Asel DOOLOTKELDIEVA

Article | 2017 | Central Asian Affairs4 ( 1 )

The parliamentary elections in Kyrgyzstan in October 2015 garnered widespread approval from commentators for the level of fairness and freedom maintained throughout the campaign. However, the results of the vote do not provide a clear indication of the current state of affairs of parliamentarism in the republic. Focusing on the commercialization of party lists, we argue that neither identity politics nor the logic of neopatrimonialism adequately explain the dynamics of political competition in Kyrgyzstan. Instead, we see perpetual uncertainty emerging from contradicting yet increasing attempts to harness the capital of privatized pa . . .rty lists and to impose discipline. Eventually, and beyond short-term threats of an emerging super-presidentialism, Kyrgyzstan risks suffering from hollow parliamentarism, with political parties persistently failing to supply legislative initiatives with substantial agendas and adequate professionals. The weakly institutionalized political parties and their short-sighted electoral strategies undermine both the parliamentary system and its political pluralism More less

Seyit Ali AVCU

Article | 2013 | Central Asia and the Caucasus14 ( 2 )

A political party system is the nature and relations of the political parties in a given political system. There are four main variables in the classification of party systems: the extent to which parties penetrate society, the ideologies of the parties, the stance of the parties toward the legitimacy of the regime, and the number of parties in the system. The number of parties determines the level of fragmentation of the party system. Kyrgyzstan emerged as an independent country after the collapse of the Soviet Union. After two revolutions, which resulted in the ousting of the presidents, Kyrgyzstan officially changed its political . . . system by announcing the introduction of parliamentary democracy and held its first elections after the regime change in October 2010. Five parties were able to pass the 5% national threshold to gain seats in the parliament. However, no single party gained enough of a majority to form the government on its own. Therefore, they formed coalitions, the latest of which includes three parties—the SDPK, Ar-Namys, and Ata-Meken—while the other two remained in the opposition: Respublika and Ata-Jurt. I estimated the effective number of parties by votes and seats and the least squares index for the 2010 parliamentary elections using Michael Gallagher’s index, which utilizes the Laakso-Taagepera formula. The effective number of parties’ index in Kyrgyzstan in terms of seat distribution in the Jogorku Kenesh was 4.90 for the 2010 parliamentary elections. However, the effective number of parties’ index in terms of votes received by the parties is much higher: 9.86. On the other hand, the least squares index, which measures the disproportionality of the election results, is 13.75, which indicates the existence of many small parties with no seats. The 5% national threshold played a role in this disproportionality. The thesis of this article is that Kyrgyzstan’s political party system is highly fragmented, and both institutional factors, such as constitutional and political party laws and the electoral system, and structural factors, such as social and political cleavages, play a role in this fragmentation. Keywords: political parties, social cleavages, fragmentation, polarization, Kyrgyzstan More less

Altınbek COLDOŞOV

Article | 2013 | Orta Asya ve Kafkasya araştırmaları OAKA / Journal of Central Asian and Caucasian studies8 ( 15 )

Kırgızistan’da kimlik sorunları üzerindeki tartışmalar bağımsızlıktan günümüze siyasal gündemde önemli yer tutmaktadır. Bu tartışmalar akademik çalışmalara da yansımakta ve Kırgızistan’da özellikle kabilecilik ve bölgecilik gibi kimlikler olduğundan fazla ön plana çıkarılmaktadır. Oysa bu kimliklerin yaratıcı mekanizmaları ve sosyolojik temelleri artık Kırgız toplumunda mevcut değildir. Diğer taraftan Kırgızistan’da ulusal kimlik inşa sürecinin uzun dönemde etnik kimlik temeliyle tanımlanmaya devam edeceği anlaşılmaktadır. Çünkü Kırgızistan’da etnik kimliği oluşturan ve gündemde tutan yapılar ve kurumlar yeterince mevcuttur. Bu çalı . . .şmada Kırgızistan’ın kimlik konusuna ilişkin akademik literatür ve temel yaklaşımlar analiz edilecek, Kırgızistan’daki kabile, bölge ve etnik kimlikler sorgulanarak ülkenin siyasal hayatına olan etkileri incelenecektir.- Debates on the problem of identity have occupied a prominent ground in Kyrgyzstan’s political agenda since independence. Academic studies on identity in Kyrgyzstan, however, have overemphasized the importance of tribalism and regionalism. I argue that the mechanisms that created these identities and their sociological basis no longer exist. On the contrary, it seems that ethnic identity will continue to define the process of national identity building for years to come because there are adequate structures which create and sustain ethnic identities. This study analyzes tribal, regional, and ethnic identities and their influence on political life in Kyrgyzstan, as well as the literature and main approaches to the problem of identity in Kyrgyzstan More less

Zakir ÇOTAYEV

Proceedings Paper | 2013 | Afghanistan and Central Asia: NATO's Role in Regional Security since 9/11 : Book Series: NATO Science for Peace and Security Series - E: Human and Societal Dynamics106

This paper seeks to examine the foreign policies of the United States and Russia towards Central Asia. The paper also aims at exploring the competition between the two countries and its consequences for the Central Asian states. The main argument of the paper is that despite the fact that the active involvement of the United States and Russia in the Central Asian security produces positive effects for the Central Asian countries, the worsening of their bilateral relations increases their regional competition and undermines political stability in Central Asia. In the aftermath of 9/11, the United States projected its influence to the . . . Central Asia, and maintained its dominance until 2006. Russia challenged the US influence in the region and reasserted itself significantly between 2006 and 2009. This is followed by a period of balancing policies of both the United States and Russia between 2009 and the present More less

Altınbek COLDOŞOV

Article | 2010 | Praksis ( 23-02 )

Günümüz dünyasında demokrasi bir araç olmaktan çıkıp bir amaç olmuştur. Oysa demokrasinin temel amacı insanların daha iyi yönetildikleri, yönetime doğrudan katıldıkları ve özgürlüklerinin korunduğu bir sis- temi oluşturmak olmalıdır. Uygulamalar ne yazık ki, bunun çok uzağındadır. Burada demokrasi halk için değil sadece kurumları (siyasi partiler, sivil toplum örgütleri v.s.) ve prosedürleri için var olan bir paradigma haline dönüşmüştür. Bu paradigma bazı yanılgılara yol açabilmekte ve dünyadaki anti-demokratik yapıdaki yöne- timlerden, demokratik yönetimlere geçiş olarak değerlendirilebilmektedir. Kuşkusuz bu iddiaların muhatabı n . . .iteliğindeki ülkelerden biri Kırgızistan’dır. Sovyet sonrası dönemde Kırgızistan yönetimi liberalleşme ve demokratikleşme süreci adı altında bir takım ekonomik, siyasal ve toplumsal reformlar gerçekleştirmiştir. Bu çerçevede planlı ekonomiden piyasa ekonomisine geçilmiş, yeni Anayasa kabul edilmiş, çok partili siyasi yapılanma oluşturulmuş ve sivil toplum örgütleri desteklenmiştir. Ancak Kırgızistan’ın demokratik olma iddiasının eleştirel bir değerlendirilmesi yapıldığında, bu ülkede gerçek halk egemenliği anlamında bir demokratik sistemin kurulamadığı görülmektedir. Üstelik Sovyet sonrası Kırgızistan yönetiminin gerçek- leştirdiği ekonomik, siyasal ve toplumsal reformlar, liberal demokrasinin bugünkü biçimlerine yönelik bir dönüşümü bile ifade etmemektedir. Kırgızistan’da demokratik kurumlar ve prosedürler mevcut olmakla birlikte, bu kurumların sistemli bir şekilde çalışmadığı, dahası iktidarın oyuncağı durumunda oldukları bile söylenebilir. Dolayısıyla Sovyet sonrası Kırgızistan’daki ekonomik, siyasal ve toplumsal dönüşüm süreci, yeni bir demokratikleşme atılımı olmaktan çok düşük yoğunluklu demokrasi rejimi olarak tanımlanabilecek gelişmeleri ifade etmektedir. Democracy has become an ambition rather than a tool in a contemporary world. The main goal of democracy is to bring people in a system in which they are directly involved in a government and their fre- edom preserved. However, the implementations are far from this reality. But the democracy in Kyrgyzstan has become a paradigm for institutions (political parties, civil societies and etc.) and procedures instead of existing for people. This paradigm leads to certain mistakes and it seems that there is a shift from anti- democratic governments to democratic ones in the world. Undoubtedly, Kyrgyzstan is a country that rep- resents this allegation. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Kyrgyzstan has performed liberalization and democratization through certain economic, political and social reforms. Within this framework, there have taken place the processes of transition from planned economy to free market economy; a new constitituti- on has been ratified ,a multi party system has emerged and the civil society has been supported. However, the critical evaluation of democratic developments in Kyrgyzstan shows that there is no establishment of democratic system that is under people’s sovereignty. Significantly, the economic, political and social reforms made by post-Soviet Kyrgyz government do not represent modern liberal democratic principles. Morover it can be said that although democratic institutions and procedures exist in Kyrgyzstan, these ins- titutions do not perform systematically, even they become ‘governmet’s toy’. Consequently, the economic, political and social transition processes in Kyrgyzstan, instead of representing the onset of the democra- tization processes, represent the structure, which can be decribed as a low intensity democracy regime More less

Metin AKSOY

Article | 2018 | MANAS Journal of Social Studies (MJSS) - MANAS Sosyal Araştırmalar Dergisi7 ( 3 )

This article focuses on diplomacy and argues that conventional interpretations of diplomacy have fallen behind the dizzying developments of contemporary international relations. And a new account of diplomacy should be given by developing, first and foremost, a more comprehensive, inclusive, and up-to-date definition of the phenomenon. Understanding the transformation that diplomacy has undergone in the historical cycle and exploring the exigencies of its modern incarnation is worthy of more focus in order to grasp a better understanding of world politics. To this end, this contribution primarily tackles “track one” or “traditional” . . . diplomacy and highlights a new and in-depth perspective by scrutinizing diplomacy as the art of conducting various relations between global political actors and examining the characteristics of an ideal diplomat. The grievous and destructive disasters experienced throughout history have revealed that career diplomacy, i.e. the carrying out of diplomacy by professionals, is a unique occupation that requires tactful delicacy and expertise. Accordingly, one side of this study explores the evolution of diplomacy, examining the phenomenon along with the postmodern political environment, which corresponds to a diversification of issues in international politics especially since the 1980s. The other side analyzes the characteristics of an ideal diplomat in order to offer a better insight into the optimal functioning of this essential field More less

Seyit Ali AVCU

Article | 2013 | Центральная Азия и Кавказ16 ( 2 )

Под «системой политических партий» понимают характер и взаимоотношения политических партий в той или иной конкретной политической системе. В основе классификации партийных систем лежат четыре основные переменные: масштаб проникновения партий в ткань общества, партийные идеологии, отношение партий к легитимности режима и число партий в системе. Это последнее и определяет уровень фрагментации партийной системы. Кыргызская Республика как независимая страна возникла в результате распада Советского Союза. Кыргызстан после двух революций, завершившихся смещением президентов, изменил свою политическую систему, официально заявив об установл . . .ении в стране парламентской демократии. После смены режима в октябре 2010 года прошли первые выборы, в ходе которых пяти партиям удалось преодолеть пятипроцентный барьер и получить места в парламенте. Однако ни одна из них не получила большинства голосов, которое позволило бы ей единолично сформировать правительство, и партиям пришлось вступать в коалиции между собой. Последняя такая коалиция включает три партии: Социал-демократическую партию Кыргызстана (СДПК), партии «Ар-Намыс» и «Ата-Мекен». Две другие партии — «Республика» и «Ата-Журт» — остались в оппозиции. Я оценил эффективное число партий на парламентских выборах 2010 года по доле голосов и по доле мест, а также определил индекс наименьших квадратов для данного случая, используя индекс Майкла Галлахера, применявшего формулу Лааксо — Таагепера. Рассчитанное по распределению мест, эффективное число партий в Кыргызстане для парламентских выборов 2010 года составило 4,90. Однако по доле голосов, полученных партиями, эффективное число партий намного выше: 9,86. С другой стороны, индекс наименьших квадратов, измеряющий нарушение пропорциональности при определении результатов выборов, составляет 13,75. Это говорит о наличии значительного числа мелких партий, не получивших мест в парламенте. Важным источником этой диспропорции был пятипроцентный общенациональный барьер. Делается вывод, что система политических партий Кыргызстана сильно фрагментирована. Эта фрагментация вызвана как институциональными факторами, такими как конституционные нормы, законодательство о политических партиях и избирательная система, так и структурными, такими как социальный и политический расколы в обществе More less

Altınbek COLDOŞOV

Article | 2022 | Türk Dünyası İncelemeleri Dergisi22 ( 2 )

Kırgızistan’da bağımsızlığından itibaren diğer Orta Asya Cumhuriyetlerinden daha farklı bir siyasal ve toplumsal dönüşüm süreci yaşanmıştır. Bu sürecin yansıması dini alanda da görülmektedir. Kırgızistan’daki dini alan gün geçtikçe farklılaşmakta, çeşitlenmekte ve dinamik bir süreci yansıtmaktadır. Böylece farklılaşan ve çeşitlenen dinamik süreç Kırgızistan’da din-devlet ilişkilerine de yansımaktadır. Diğer Orta Asya Cumhuriyetlerinden farklı olarak Kırgızistan’da devlet daha ziyade “pasif laiklik” anlayışını sürdürmeye yönelmektedir. Bu çalışmada öncelikle “sekülerlik” ve “laiklik” kavramları üzerindeki tartışmalar analiz edilecek; . . . daha sonra günümüz devletlerinin din-devlet ilişkileri değerlendirilerek, laik devletlerin uyguladığı laiklik anlayışları ele alınacaktır. Ardından post-Sovyet Orta Asya Cumhuriyetlerinin siyasal rejimleri laiklik bağlamında incelenecek ve Kırgızistan’ın dini alandaki farklılıkları vurgulanacaktır. Son olarak Kırgızistan’da din-devlet ilişkileri analiz edilecek ve bu bağlamda Kırgızistan’daki laiklik tartışmaları değerlendirilecektir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Din-Devlet İlişkileri, Dışlayıcı Laiklik, Pasif Laiklik, Kırgızistan, Sekülerli More less

Mehmet Emin ERENDOR

Article | 2021 | Voprosy Istorii / Вопросы истории10 ( 1 )

This article analyses the main determinants of South Korean foreign policy towards Central Asian countries. The article describes the Korean position with its particular parameters to understand the main motivations in the regional relationship. Additionally, gained profits of the Central Asian countries are also investigated under the win-win strategy of Seoul.

Mehmet Emin ERENDOR | Adeliia KADIRŞAEVA

Article | 2022 | Revista Universidad y Sociedad14 ( 1 )

The protests in Syria, which started in 2011, first turned into a civil war and then into a global issue, and still continues to have regional and global effects. The crisis has caused deep concerns for many countries, including Turkey and Israel. The crisis has had deep impact on the relations of Turkey and Israel. Historically, Turkey-Israel relations have followed a course of ups and downs in the context of their national interests. The major question of this study is whether the Syrian civil war, which is a neighbour of the two countries, has had an impact on the shaky relations between Turkey and Israel. The relations between t . . .he two countries have entered a normalization process due to the common interests in the Syria region. The 'Syrian crisis' has a strategic collaborative potential in terms of improving Turkey-Israel relations. The ongoing Syrian crisis maintains its currency and importance as a determining factor for the future development of relations between Turkey and Israel. The main purpose of the study is to evaluate Turkey-Israel relations in the context of the Syrian crisis More less

Seyit Ali AVCU

Article | 2014 | MANAS Journal of Social Studies (MJSS) - MANAS Sosyal Araştırmalar Dergisi3 ( 2 )

The Kurdish problem had played a big role in foreign policies of countries in the Middle East, mainly Turkey, Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Russia during the 1990s. This article tries to answer the question of how Kurdish problem shaped and changed the international subsystem in the Middle East between the first Gulf War in 1991 and the second Gulf War in 2003. I propose a theory to explain the succcess or the failure of the ethnic revolts. This paper takes the existence of the ethnic sesseccionist movement as given. These movements are dormant or ineffective due to constrains provided by the international system. The change in the interna . . .tional system, in our case the end of Cold War and the Gulf War, creates opportunity for ethnic groups, such as Iraqi Kurds to attempt to seccede from central government. The states in the region responded and this created power vacuum and escalated interestate conflict in the region. In this power vacuum, the support of hegemon for ethnic group is necessary condition for the success of the ethnic secession movement. If the USA as a hegemon had supported the seccesionist movements, a new international system would have emerged : new states i the region. However, ideological affinity and alliance between regional power and hegemon do not let hegemon support for minority as in between Turkey and the USA. If ineffective state such as Iraq after the Gulf War is unable to crush the revolt and ethnic group is fragmented, the çivil war reigns as happened in Iraq during the 1990s. - Keywords: secessionism, hegemonic stability theory,Kurds,Turkey, Ira More less

Murat Bürkan SERBEST

Article | 2016 | MANAS Journal of Social Studies (MJSS) - MANAS Sosyal Araştırmalar Dergisi5 ( 3 )

Soğuk Savaş döneminde Ortadoğu, iki süper güç olan Amerika Birleşik Devletleri (ABD) ve Sovyetler Birliği’nin yoğun nüfuz mücadelesine sahne olmuştur. ABD; Eisenhower’ın başkan olmasıyla birlikte rakibi Sovyetler Birliği’nin Ortadoğu bölgesine sızmasını önlemek için ve kendisi bölgede doğrudan etki gösterebilmek amacıyla “Kuzey Kuşağı” olarak adlandırdığı ülkeleri savunmaya yönelik siyasi pakt içerisinde bir araya getirme çabasına girmiştir. Türkiye, bu paktın kurulmasında öncü bir rol üstlenmiş ve bu oluşumun hayata geçmesi için Ortadoğu’da aktif politika izlemiştir. Türkiye’nin üstlendiği bu yeni rol cumhuriyetin kuruluşundan itib . . .aren ilk kez Türkiye’nin ilgisini bu kadar yoğun biçimde Ortadoğu bölgesi ve Arap ülkelerine yöneltmesine neden olmuştur. Bununla birlikte bu politika, genel olarak Ortadoğu’da bir Türkiye karşıtlığının ortaya çıkmasına yol açmıştır. Bölge ülkelerinin ağırlıklı olarak yoğun muhalif tutumuna karşın “Bağdat Paktı” adıyla uluslararası bir örgüt kurulmuş ancak Ortadoğu’nun hassas dengeleri içinde pakt uzun ömürlü olmamış ve kısa süre içinde ad ve yapı değiştirerek silik bir kuruluş niteliğini almıştır More less